This just received by email but dated from a week ago, a talk given by MDC "Anti-Senate Faction" President, Morgan Tsvangirai to Harare's Diplomatic Community. Appended in full, below:
DIPLOMATIC BRIEF
THE PRESIDENT OF THE MDC, MR. MORGAN TSVANGIRAI'S BRIEF
TO THE HARARE DIPLOMATIC COMMUNITY
Harare, February 21 2007
Your Excellencies,
Interesting political developments have transpired since we last met and a new political terrain shows signs of emerging.
You are all aware of the events of the last few days, but they cannot be properly understood if they are not placed in the proper context. These events are part of a broader scenario.
In our opinion, the ZANU PF National Conference has unleashed political forces within ZANU PF, which Mugabe might not be able to control.
The coalition of forces that sustained Mugabe over the past 27years, once cemented by force and material inducements, has virtually crumpled. It is doubtful whether he will be able to reconstruct a consensus, even if he tries to use the old carrot and stick strategy. ZANU PF is split in the middle.
As the warring factions inside ZANU PF continue to tear each other apart, the country might gradually move towards a power vacuum which, as you know, in other countries, such a vacuum has led to adventurism and disaster.
That is the greatest threat facing Zimbabwe as we grapple with various strategies to ensure a solution which achieves a soft-landing for the country from a long crisis.
Mugabe’s primary concern now is simply to manage factions which no longer share a common denominator of interests. In turn the factions themselves have abandoned any hope of achieving a consensus or compromise. They are now involved in a ‘winner-take all’ political game.
Those who gave Mugabe succor and comfort over the past 27 years have now created a political trap for him and it does not appear that there is an easy exit for him.
Every strategy for the survival of the regime has now provoked unworkable.
1. In particular, the monetary policy as a strategy of economic revival
has proved to be a false start. The so-called ‘social contract’ is simply a ruse that will never work. As we have always said of other aspects of degeneracy in Zimbabwe are mere symptoms of the fundamental problem, which a political one. As long as that problem remains unresolved, all attempts at economic recovery are simply idle propaganda.
2. The only contract that would be workable is one that produces an
agreed political path forward, leading to a new legitimate political dispensation.
3. In a nutshell therefore, the monetary policy strategy has become
simply a battleground in which Mugabe tries to read the riot act at his warring factions. It has no relevance to the fundamental problems facing the nation.
Given this political situation, the question that might be in the minds of the diplomatic community is what the MDC is doing in these political circumstances? We have had many sentiments expressed. At best some of these sentiments are plainly uncharitable, at worst they are down right abusive and mocking. We remain stoical in these circumstances.
But we are not about capturing international headlines through acts of reckless adventurism that might result in a carnage that might not achieve our central objective. We will continue building our resistance movement, gauging the pace and resilience of the people.
People are being pushed physically by the state apparatus of repression, their material well being is daily eroded by the deteriorating economy. There is now a clear mood of rebellion among Zimbabweans. However our job is not simply to instigate rebellion, but to channel people’s frustrations and hardships into a constructive force for change. And this we are doing. The tragedy is that the only answer available to the Mugabe regime is state sponsored violence. Zimbabweans have reached a stage where they are not prepared to have peaceful protest crushed by state violence.
A large cross- section of society is now in a rebellious mood. There is now open defiance of violent autocratic authority. Teachers, nurses, doctors, the general civil service and the public at large, have now reached the limits of their suffering and are no longer prepared to suffer silently.
The events in Bulawayo two weeks ago and in Harare over the past few days are a clear demonstration of the people’s determination now, to embark on an irreversible course to their freedom.
In particular, the events in Harare are still fresh in your minds and let me give you a brief about what actually transpired.
1. On Friday, last week, sporadic and spontaneous actions of peaceful
protest in the Central Business District were met with police brutality. Those targeted by this unprovoked police action sought to defend themselves and this resulted in a series of skirmishes throughout the city. Police action degenerated into random attacks of all and sundry including people in bus queues. Several people were arrested with no specific charges preferred.
2. The MDC had made an earlier application to hold a major rally at the
Zimbabwe Grounds in Highfields in order to launch our presidential campaign for 2008. As you know, under the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) any organization intending to hold a political rally is required to simply notify the police. In turn the police have no authority to arbitrarily seek to prevent such a political rally. However the police sought to do precisely that.
3. We challenged this in the High Court and an order was granted, on
Saturday mid- morning. The order barred the police from interfering with the rally.
4. Immediately after the order was granted, the police arrested Hon.
Tendai Biti, MDC Secretary General, and MP for Harare East and Hon. Paul Madzore, MP for Glen View. Throughout Saturday, police went on a rampage, effecting sporadic arrests. Some activists were arrested at midnight on Saturday and the early hours of Sunday.
5. Throughout Saturday night and Sunday morning, the police unleashed a
programme of general harassment, intimidation and beatings across the entire Highfields suburb. The venue for our rally was sealed off by heavily armed police and riot control vehicles with water cannon equipment went about targeting people heading for the Zimbabwe grounds.
6. Early on Sunday morning I personally made several trips to Highfields
to assess the situation. Throughout the morning, police reinforcements continued to arrive. There was no rioting in Highfields at anytime from Friday to Sunday morning.
7. At the time of the rally, I proceeded to the Zimbabwe grounds where
I confronted the police who informed me and my colleagues that they had orders to bar anyone from accessing the rally. We proceeded to Southerton Police Station, looking for the local police commander. The local police commander went into hiding.
8. The atmosphere was now very tense. Thousands of people were milling
in the streets of Highfields in the vicinity of the rally venue.
9. We went back to the rally venue, to be confronted by an even larger
group of armed police. In some sections of Highfields, the police had already started brutalizing and harassing people. I sensed that the mood among the people at and around the venue was electric. I then gave the instruction that people disperse and go back home. 10. Immediately after I left the rally venue, the police unleashed a wave of indiscriminate violence throughout the suburb of Highfields. People were beaten up with truncheons, teargas was liberally used and for the first time ever, water cannon were target on anything that moved. Several people were injured and others arrested.
It is important for me to set the record straight because of the regime’s claims that the MDC started the violence. The regime, through the police was determined to stop the rally from the very beginning and they used arrests and indiscriminate violence to achieve their objectives. Obviously the cutting edge of their strategy was to unleash indiscriminate police violence on people going about their business peacefully.
As you might have read in today’s Herald, by arbitrarily banning peaceful political protest and rallies, the regime has for all practical purposes has declared a State of Emergency.
We are not and will not be intimidated by this state-sponsored violence. We will go ahead and launch our presidential campaign for 2008. The position of the party is that presidential elections must be held as scheduled in 2008. But this must be under a new Constitution, ushering enabling legislation to create an electoral framework that guarantees free and fair elections. There is ample time for that.
We are totally opposed to the postponement of the presidential poll and we are of the firm and unshakable opinion that there should be no more constitutional tinkering.
Constitutional reform cannot be a technical process of voting in parliament where ZANU PF has an in-built advantage through its illegitimate majority.
Instead, Constitutional reform must be a broad and all-inclusive political process that incorporates a wide spectrum of the views of the majority of Zimbabweans.
These views are broadly shared by our colleagues within the broad alliance. As partners in the broad democratic forces, we shall embark on common programmes to achieve this objective.
We shall relentlessly fight until this objective is achieved.
I thank you.