Zimbabwe: Outpost of Tyranny

More on the Choice of Zimbabwe to head the U.N.'s Commision on Sustainable Development.

Further to our last post on the disgraceful decision by African member states of the U.N. to elevate Zimbabwe to head the UN Commission on Sustainable Development, an excellent article from the website of the Cato Institute entitled "Africa's ZImbabwe Problem."

The authors point out that this is not the first time that the U.N., and especially those African member states pushing Zimbabwe's candidacy, have performed in an immoral and invertebrate manner by honoring a regime which has declared war on its own people:

"The election of Zimbabwe to the chairmanship of the CSD cannot be dismissed as an unfortunate aberration. The nomination of Zimbabwe to the chairmanship was widely reported and strongly criticized by the U.S. and other countries. Despite that criticism, the African regional group in the U.N. refused to back away from nominating Zimbabwe. Moreover, the African group and the U.N. have made a habit of such outrageous appointments. For instance:

• Zimbabwe currently serves on the Executive Board of the World Food Program, despite the fact that Zimbabwe, considered the breadbasket of Africa only a decade ago, is now unable to feed itself and regularly appeals to international programs for food aid. The primary reasons for the devastation of Zimbabwe's once flourishing agricultural sector are the politically motivated seizure of commercial farms, most of which were given to Mugabe's cronies, and other anti-market economic policies.
• Zimbabwe was elected to the Executive Board of the U.N. Children's Fund for a three-year term beginning in 2008 despite the fact that, according to UNICEF itself, one in four children in Zimbabwe are orphans. This tragic situation is in significant part due to the policies of the Zimbabwean government that have increased the spread of HIV/AIDS, reduced life expectancy, and eroded the health care system.
• Zimbabwe was elected to the Governing Council of the United Nations Human Settlements Program (UN-HABITAT) for a term expiring in 2010 despite the government's Operation Murambatsvina, which demolished informal housing and markets and rendered 700,000 urban Zimbabweans homeless or unemployed. It is believed that 70 percent of the urban population may have lost shelter or employment and over 2 million (more than 15 percent of Zimbabwe's population) are believed to have been indirectly affected by loss of customers, employees, or markets. The government told those affected to "return to their rural origins," even though most had no such home to which they could return. Indeed, many had initially become homeless when the government sanctioned the seizure of commercial farms."

"Hat-tip" to L.E. for drawing our attention to this article.

MDC Director of Elections, Ian Makone, Released from Prison; Judge Blasts Mugabe Regime and Police for Trumped up Charges.

Ian Makone, MDC Director of Elections, who had been detained in the notorious Remand Prison since March 28th, in the aftermath of the March 11 Police brutalities, finally got some of his freedom back, when High Court Judge, Justice Tedius Karwi granted him bail yesterday.

His case had been heavily politicized as a way of putting judges under pressure. The bail conditions included a hefty Z$150 million, surrender of title deeds to his three properties in Harare and reporting daily to  the Central Police station in Harare as well as not interfering with state witnesses.

While Makone is not yet free, he has cause to celebrate after spending two months in detention without trial.

Makone is one of the 39 MDC activists including professional staffers at its Headquarters Harvest House who have been languishing in the filthy Harare Remand Prison for the past two months.

Manyof these detained activists have succumbed to all manner of ailments, sickness and after effects of the torture, beatings, and harassment that they have been subjected to in the name of investigations.

What is instructive though, in this whole bail case, is the momentary brilliance and courage of Zimbabwe's judiciary. In granting bail to Makone, Justice Karwi, delivered a boot in the face of the Minister of Home Affairs, under which the Police is supervised, when he threw away the "Minister's certificate of opposition", which had been used as a justification for detaining Makone and his colleagues for longer.

Assistant Commissioner Mabunda, the man who has overseen the torture and harassment of civil society and opposition activists in the last couple of years had submitted in his opposing affidavit that "Ian Makone was the most dangerous person in Zimbabwe" because he had allegedly trained petrol bombers and therefore must not be released as he will flee the country. He too received a boot from the Judge who declared that , "This attitude would seem to suggest that the applicant is a convicted terrorist, which obviously is not the case….Our law presumes people to be presumed innocent until proven guilty".

This assertive position by the Judge was a slap in the face of the government, and in particular, of the police, who have approached cases involving the MDC as if Zimbabwe now has a new law, "guilty, until proven innocent".

Justice Karwi rounded up his response by concluding that "I have taken into account the applicant. In particular that he is 57 years, old, that he is a married man, of fixed abode. That he is a man of substance and that he has invested heavily in this country. He appears to have his roots in this country. He is a well educated man….."

Makone is still facing the charges that he was arrested for, but this development demonstrates the thinness of the case of the State and is an encouraging signs of an attempt to returning to the days of judicial independence, at a time when the judiciary is under severe criticism from the legal community for practising judicial minimalism or even abdication of constitutional responsibility all together particular in matters of human rights.

Justice Karwi is the same judge who ordered the Police to release the two Lawyers (Alec Muchadehama and Andrew Makoni) who were representing MDC activists, who had been wrongfully arrested and illegally detained at Harare Central Police Station.

This sort of check (as exercised by Justice Karwi) on executive excesses is important because it guarantees fair trial for people who are being randomly arrested at the instigation of ZANU PF. In many ways this check is the reason why the government increasingly relies on extra judicial ways and means of getting even with the opposition including abductions, torture and assaults that the opposition members and leaders have been subjected to since March 11.

IRIN NEWS: Pro-government militias launch intimidation campaign against Catholics

Pro-government militias launch intimidation campaign against Catholics
Zimbabwe

31 May 2007 Ruling ZANU-PF militia, comprising youths and veterans of Zimbabwe's war of independence, are intimidating church members in rural areas in a bid to stop the distribution of a pastoral letter denouncing President Robert Mugabe's government, human rights groups claim. Catholic bishops published the protest letter, 'God Hears the Cry of the Oppressed', - which compares the plight of Zimbabweans to the biblical oppression suffered by Jewish slaves under the Egyptian pharaohs ? on Easter Sunday. Since the religious festival the letter has been translated from English into the main vernacular languages of Shona and Ndebele and disseminated among the country's rural communities, areas which are regarded as bastions of support for the ZANU-PF government. In the letter Zimbabwe's political and economic woes are blamed on poor leadership and bad governance and it exhorts: "In order to avoid further bloodshed and avert a mass uprising, the nation needs a new people-driven constitution that will guide a democratic leadership chosen in free and fair elections." Catholicism is the country's dominant religion and Mugabe, a practising Catholic, has accused the bishops of meddling in politics. He said in an interview with the New African, a British-based current affairs journal, "once they (bishops) turn political, we regard them as no longer being spiritual and our relations with them would be conducted as if we are dealing with political entities, and this is quite a dangerous path they have chosen for themselves." Pedzisayi Ruhanya, a representative of the umbrella organisation for Zimbabwean nongovernmental organisations, The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition (CZC) and one of many human rights and church organisations condemning the harassment of Catholic parishioners, told IRIN "The militias are responding to their leader's (Mugabe) tirade against the bishops. But then, this is typical of ZANU-PF, especially ahead of crucial elections, whereby they do whatever they can to make sure that the people are not informed of its excesses," "The situation is particularly disturbing when you take cognisance of the fact that the church is supposed to play a vital role as a watchdog against political and social repression, yet there are brutal attempts to undermine that," he said Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo, Pius Ncube, a long time critic of Mugabe's government, told IRIN the attacks by the militias were part of a strategy of intimidation ahead of next year's presidential and parliamentary elections. "The Green Bombers (militias from youth training centres) are being used to go around to strike fear in voters so that, come next year, they will be forced to vote ZANU-PF," Ncube said. Ncube said members of his church were being harassed throughout the country and recounted a recent incident in the south-western border town of Plumtree where he had prevented ZANU-PF militias from gatecrashing a meeting he was holding with priests in the area. He said a priest was subsequently arrested in Wedza, Mashonaland Central, for distributing the pastoral letter while members of his congregation were also detained for questioning by state security agents. In Mashonaland East province, traditionally a ruling party stronghold, parishioners are opting to stay at home rather than attend church after militias threatened them for distributing the pastoral letter. "They [militias] are accusing us of being members of the MDC [Movement for Democratic Change] and working to topple the government. It's no longer safe to worship because the militias treat you as enemies," said 55-year-old Father Tirivafi Haka, who declined to use his real name, a church leader in Murewa, about 90km east of the capital, Harare. After a recent church service, the youths, led by a well-known war veteran, raided his home, Haka said, and attempted to set it on fire because he had distributed letters among his congregation. Haka fled and after two days in hiding sought medical treatment for a badly sprained ankle incurred during his escape at the nearby Murewa hospital. Militias descended on the clinic and threatened medical staff with violence if they provided Haka with treatment. "As if that was not enough, they forced me to address my congregation denouncing the pastoral letter and the MDC while chanting ZANU-PF slogans; it is unbelievable and painful," he said. The militia's have threatened to shut down Haka's butchery business if he does not write a formal letter of apology to the local ZANU-PF branch within seven days and demonstrate his "loyalty" by buying a party membership card. "At the end of the day I don't have a choice, for the safety of my family and the church members," he said. In Mutoko, about 80km northeast of Murewa, Sheila Mukurazhizha, a 26-year-old youth leader, told IRIN about a similar pattern of intimidation. "Before the attacks on our members began, our church would record more than 200 people per service but now, hardly 50 people are turning up on Sundays." She said each Sunday "marauding" militias camped on the steps of the church, armed with knobkerries (fighting sticks) and knives, threatening the parishioners and their children who came to worship and turning the religious service into a ZANU-PF rally, singing songs and chanting pro-government slogans. One of the youth militia, who identified himself only as Hammer, told IRIN, "We know no other political party [outside the ruling party] in this area and we won't hesitate to flush out our enemies. Zimbabwe will not be a colony again. Once we get an order from our superiors, we execute it." The church has responded to the tactics of the militias by issuing a statement: "We encourage every Zimbabwean to read the pastoral letter as a guide to understanding the source of our suffering and let it inspire our prayers and actions. We call upon every Christian individual and organisation to commit themselves to the truth of God's word about the situation and it is only the truth that will set us free." Faith based organisations, including the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, the Student Christian Movement of Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe National Pastors Conference and the Christian Alliance, have called for public prayer meetings similar to those held in Harare earlier this year, which led to the mass arrests of the participants. (c) IRIN

The Latest from Eddie Cross

The Dip Tank Scenario If you are a farm boy like myself, you will be very well acquainted with the dip tank. It’s a concrete lined rectangular tank – quite deep at the “plunge” end rising rapidly to the “walk out” end with a long drainage shute to a holding pen on the other side.  The purpose is to remove the accumulated parasites off the skin of the cattle and to give them some protection from reinfection for a few days out in the veld. It is filled with water and dosed with an appropriate insecticide.

On dipping day the cattle are brought together and herded into a holding pen that leads via a short shute to the dip tank. They have been through this before and although it is not a pleasant exercise they seem to get used to it and when pressured from behind they leap, one by one, into the tank and swim to the others side where they then climb out dripping wet from head to toe.

In the past week we have heard from several commentators that the MDC/Zanu PF talks are on track. Because of the secrecy surrounding this process we do not know exactly what that means but words along those lines have come from President Mbeki, Union Buildings in Tswane, the German Parliament and yesterday from Tony Blair in South Africa. By now you will know that these talks are the first ever between the two political movements (both fractured into several pieces) since the MDC was formed in 1999.

We also know that the talks are expected to lead to an agreement about the required conditions for a “free and fair” election in March 2008 by the end of June. Today it is the 1st of June so in four weeks time we should know what is happening and can postulate what will happen next.

I was very skeptical about this whole process at the start, but the more I have seen, both on the inside and the outside, has persuaded me that this time we might just have some chance of success and get a shot at real change. It is the dip tank process that persuades me of this.

To be successful the process requires a number of things. First you have to muster the cattle. That means you send out into the field several men who are familiar with the land and the cattle and get them to herd the players towards the dip tank and then finally into the holding pen. In this particular exercise, this has been achieved. Dipping was set down for March 2008 and then the SADC States set about getting the cattle involved into the pen. This has been done and not without a bit of cussing and cracks of long whips made from good African rawhide.

The pen on this occasion is an interesting one. I have worked with wild cattle in Matabeleland and can recall one scene where some Brahman animals were being penned for handling and I saw an animal sail over a gate that was at least 6 foot high. Once free we never saw him again and the Rancher told me that he had to actually shoot the animal later as ration beef as they simply could not pen him for handling and loading.

The walls surrounding this dip tank pen are too high for any of the participants to get over. On the right hand side we have the position of the international community. They met earlier this year and told those responsible for this operation that they wanted five basic benchmarks to be met before they would recognise a new government in Zimbabwe and provide the resources required to get the country back on its feet. These fundamental demands have been set out with great clarity and in specific terms, if they are not met then what is the purpose of any agreement? We have to have international support to climb out of this deep hole we are in at present. Rescue is impossible without a rope!

The very people herding the cattle – the leaders of the SADC, crafted the other side of this pen some years ago. They sat down and agreed that a “free and fair” election had certain common characteristics. These were defined and laid out in the SADC Protocols or principles for democratic activity. All the leaders at the time agreed that they would conduct their own elections on this basis and this decision laid the groundwork for much of the progress in the SADC that we have seen since then.

This side of the pen cannot be broken out of, as they would be allowing one of their numbers to violate the very rules they prescribed and adopted for the region as a whole. Indeed they can legitimately say that the one bull in this holding pen actually had agreed to these conditions when they were drafted and has been in violation of them for some years now! They know this bull well and they know that given half a chance he will break out of the pen and run. He is therefore the target of a specific containment exercise and a big whip is being used to bring him into line if and when required.

So this weekend we are about to close the gate on the cattle herded into the holding pen. Once in there they must decide how they are going to approach that dip tank. I am told that those with the whip are saying that no one will be allowed to leave the pen until all have been through the dipping process.

For those of us who have been demanding just such an intervention, the dip tank holds no fears. Lets get it over with, we say. For those who fear the dip tank, they do not know what lies ahead and they are deeply apprehensive. The talks that will start in the next few days will be about how to translate conditions on the ground in Zimbabwe into the clear requirements laid out by the international community and the SADC. They will not be about the requirements for a free and fair election – these are known and predetermined. It is what we have to do to satisfy those requirements that is at stake.

There is no way the cattle can avoid going through the dip. Behind are a number of herdsmen with cattle prods – battery operated machines that deliver a powerful shock to the rear end of any reluctant animal. From the sides of the pen you cannot see the prod being administered because of the dust and the heaving bodies, but you can clearly see the effect! Once in the dip, the liquid does the rest. We can expect that if we can get to a free and fair election, that the people will deal with the parasites in our midst. Those that survive the dip can then get on with the task of rebuilding our suffering land.

Eddie Cross Bulawayo, 1st June 2007

From Newsweek Magazine (U.S.A.): "Digging a Grave for Zimbabwe."

This blog has been critical in recent weeks of some international reporters (Michael Wines of the New York Times, for example) who waste their, and their readers', time by focusing on the non-issue of supposed opposition party "disunity" while ignoring the reign of terror being meted out by the Mugabe regime against democratic forces and ordinary citizens. We called this myopic approach "majoring on the minors and minoring on the majors."

Enter Newsweek reporter Scott Johnson, whose article in the current issue does not suffer from Wines' myopia;  he describes the Republic of Fear that Mugabe's ZImbabwe has become in chillingly stark terms.  The opening paragraph of his piece describes what has, unfortunately, become a common occurence since the regime's latest bloody reign of terror against pro-democracy forces began on March 11th:

Last Maingehama was on his way to a memorial service when he was kidnapped. A little after 2 p.m. on March 20, in the middle of an upscale Harare neighborhood, government thugs dragged Last out of his car, tied a blindfold around his eyes and drove him into the Zimbabwean savanna. For the next five hours they beat the 33-year-old businessman and opposition activist relentlessly with hard wooden "battlesticks." They pounded the soles of his feet, he says, in an account verified by two independent human-rights researchers. They broke his left leg just below the kneecap. And then, when he was bruised and bloody and unconscious, the men left Last for dead and disappeared into the night. When Last finally crawled back to the road, half naked and petrified, he flagged down a passing tractor. But it is a sign of how pervasive the climate of fear has grown in Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe that even to his rescuer, Last lied about what had happened in the bush that night. "I told [him] I was robbed," Last recalled recently. "I was afraid even of that farmer."

The reporter correctly notes that the ZImbabwe regime's propaganda machine attempts to portray a situation of normality in ZImbabwe to the outside world while it is ruthlessly bludgeoning opposition forces and ordinary citizens on a daily basis:

To the outside world, the 83-year-old Mugabe has looked more conciliatory recently. Last week his ruling ZANU-PF party announced that it would compensate thousands of white farmers whose land the government began seizing seven years ago. Just days earlier, Mugabe sent a high-level team to South Africa to negotiate with Zimbabwe's main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), in meetings engineered by South African President Thabo Mbeki; the talks are meant to lay the groundwork for free and fair presidential elections next March. Behind closed doors, African leaders recently chastised Mugabe harshly. "My understanding is that they took him to the woodshed," says Christopher Dell, U.S. ambassador to Zimbabwe. According to several sources, including one in the room at the time who refused to be identified speaking about a private meeting, Mugabe seemed "sort of defeated" and expressed contrition to his fellow leaders.

Inside his country, however, Mugabe's rule is increasingly taking on the outlines of the worst dictatorships—another Burma, or even North Korea. On a rare journey into Zimbabwe, NEWSWEEK found a nation dominated by fear and the ever-present secret police, where a suspicious population is gradually turning on itself. Since early March, when police violently dispersed an MDC rally and arrested the party's leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, some 500 opposition foot soldiers have been abducted, beaten and dumped miles from their homes. Neighbors are enlisted to spy on neighbors. Speaking out, even on the most mundane issue, is often met with a harsh response. If he cannot rig the March election, Mugabe seems intent on making sure no one will dare support his challengers. Tsvangirai, who suffered severe head wounds while in detention, says: "We're under siege."

Johnson does a great service to the courageous Zimbabweans fighting for their freedom through his reporting.  Read the whole article here.

Geneva based International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) Visits Harare to Investigate Abuse of Lawyers, Judges and the Rule of Law; Says Situation is "Shocking."

The BBC has a story on the visit last week of a delegation from the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)--based in Geneva.  They were appalled by the blatant attacks on justice, lawyers and the rule of law that they observed in Zimbabwe as one Canadian delgate stated:

"I've seen all kinds of things during my 30 year career on the bench, but the beating of lawyers, and the police not obeying court orders, I had never seen that to that extent. It really was shocking," said Canadian delegate Claire L'Heureux-Dube.

A Kenyan delgate also expressed shock:

"I was frankly personally shocked that lawyers could be beaten in police stations, said Kenyan ICJ delegate George Kegoro.

"The amount of repression and personal consequences for lawyers and for persons who are unpopular to the government is something I found very shocking."

Read the whole story here.

"Their Words Condemn Them: The language of Violence, Intolerance and Despotism in Zimbabwe."

That is the title of an important retrospective report released in recent weeks by the NGO Human Rights Forum, a leading Zimbabwean Human Rights Organization.  The report documents examples of hate speech, incitement to violence and other repressive tactics of the Mugabe regime from the independence period in the 1980s to the present.  An appreciation of the Mugabe regime's long track record of political violence intimidation and repression allows one to better understand the most recent reign of terror that began, roughly , on March 11th when a peaceful prayer meeting was broken up violently by the security forces.   The report's introduction explains the importance of paying attention to the words of political leaders, for they reveal a leader's committment to basic democratic principles:

"The utterances of political leaders can be very revealing. Their commitment to democracy and human rights is most tested when there is a serious challenge to their continued hold on power or when they attract heavy criticism. At such times, the leaders either display political tolerance or they lash out at their critics and opponents. Leaders with repressive tendencies will turn to repression; leaders who respect democracy will not.

Over the years, and particularly in the past seven years, leaders of the ruling party in
Zimbabwe (ZANU PF) have made many statements, often at times when the ruling party has been under attack or has faced serious challenge. It has used its control over the broadcast media to disseminate a constant stream of hate speech.

A selection of these statements is provided below. An analysis of these statements discloses the following characteristics of the ruling party:

• It is deeply antagonistic to all opposition and dissent.
• It is prepared to incite violence and vengeful action against its political opponents
  and critics.
• It uses virulent language to condemn its opponents and critics, not infrequently
  stooping to racial and ethnic abuse, and the vituperation is aimed at intimidating and silencing these persons.
• It persistently attempts to suppress the independent media.

Click on the following link to a .pdf file of the full report to read it:

Download condemned_by_their_own_words_final_15_5_2007.pdf

Eddie Cross: "Mugabe should resign."

The latest, today, from Eddie Cross, on the economic meltdown we are experiencing in Zimbabwe and a call for the person who has caused that meltdown to stand down:

Mugabe should resign.

Yesterday I bought fuel for Z$57 000 a litre, today the price is Z$85 000 to Z$90 000. I have just spoken to a taxi driver and he said that the standard fare from the high-density townships to the City Center was Z$15 000 today – going to Z$20 000 tomorrow and then Z$25 000.

The currency continues is collapse and is now trading at 10 000 to 1 against the Rand and anything from 75 000 to 100 000 against the US dollar. Maize meal is again out of stock as is cooking oil and sugar. We bought a loaf of bread yesterday from Lobels for Z$30 000 and other bakeries are selling at Z$24 000.

The government stipulated wage for a domestic worker is less than Z$15 000 a month, the wage of a farm worker less than Z$40 000 a month and a worker in industry probably gets about Z$500 000, not enough for bus fare. We had tea with the widow of a Supreme Court Judge on Sunday – her pension is Z$90 000 a month – one US dollar.

We are now experiencing power cuts for up to 20 hours a day, the City has just announced that they are going to cut water supplies for 8 to 10 hours a day. A meeting was held last week with local industrialists who were told that they were going be cut as well – both power and water and they said that this would have a catastrophic effect on their operations.

There is a limit as to how much of this we can take. Even the most optimistic of characters is now uneasy about the situation and the government shows absolutely no ideas as to how to fix the problem. We have now had continuous economic decline since 1998, the reasons are entirely home grown as we have had no sanctions imposed on us, our trade relations are normal and we even get about US$600 million a year in aid.

Today the headline in the local State controlled paper was “Reserve Bank starts distribution of farm equipment”. Mr. Mugabe was on radio and television making all sorts of noises about this and claiming that this initiative will solve our food shortages. Such statements just make us shudder, they demonstrate absolutely no understanding of what is causing this economic collapse and no concept at all as to what is required to start some sort of recovery. As for Gideon Gono distributing agricultural implements! That must make all our previous Reserve Bank Governors turn in their graves.

Really, enough is enough, it is time to go. Mr. Mugabe and his entire cabinet should admit failure, resign and call fresh elections. Stop messing about with the electoral system and voting conditions, give the people back what they fought for in the liberation struggle – real democracy. Allow others to stand up and offer themselves for leadership, allow the people to ask them what their solutions would be and then trust the people to decide who is to take power and try to turn things around. Zanu PF has failed utterly and there can be no more prevarication on this issue.

Eddie Cross Bulawayo, 12th June 2007

Neighbors Pulling the Plug On Zimbabwe's Electricity Supply After It Fails to Pay Off its Debts.

Also from Eddie Cross:

SABC reported today that SADC States have cut deliveries of electrical power to Zimbabwe to 200 megawatts. This is well below the level of imports required to meet the countries minimum needs.

The SABC also reported that the Congo had cut deliveries to Zimbabwe over a debt related to power supplies. This has taken 100 megawatts out of the Zimbabwe system.

Historically Zimbabwe has used about 2000 megawatts and has one hydro electric supplier - Kariba and four coal fired stations. Of the latter only Hwange is significant with a potential of 850 megawatts. Kariba supplies 600 megawatts. The three smaller plants deliver about 30 megawatts each.

Under present circumstances it is thought that demand is well down - probably to 1200 megawatts or less. However persistent failures at the Hwange plant and difficulties with supplies of coal to the other three smaller plants has made the country heavily dependent on regional power pool sources. These are now becoming more difficult because of the failure of Zimbabwe to pay for supplies and an increase in regional demand driven by higher levels of economic growth and inadequate investment in new power sources.

The story being used by the power utility that they are load shedding to free up power for farmers is simply not true. Only 10 000 hectares have been planted out of a planned 80 000 hectare crop and the requirement for power for this area is small. Of much greater significance is the inability to keep major irrigators such as Triangle and Hippo Valley supplied as well as key mines and industries.

Eddie Cross

12th June 2007

"A Brief Report on Human Rights Violations in Zimbabwe Since March 11th 2007."

Whereas the NGO Human Rights Foum report we posted on earlier today was a long retrospective report, looking back to the early years after independence and up to the present, this report is looking exclusively at the reign of terror that theMugabe regime has directed towards pro-democracy and human rights forces during only the past 3 months.

It was prepared by Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) and Zimbabwe Doctors for Human RIghts (ZDHR) and presented last month to the African Commission for Human and People's Rights.

Have not seen this on the web anywhere and so am appending the whole report (12 pages);  apologies for the length but it is a report of critical importance.

A BRIEF REPORT OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN ZIMBABWE SINCE MARCH 11 2007

Introduction

This report is submitted to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights in accordance with the Commission’s mandate to promote and protect human and peoples’ rights in Africa

. In fulfilling this function the Commission can work together with African institutions concerned involved in the promotion and protection of human and peoples’ rights.

Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) and Zimbabwe Association for Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR) are African non governmental organisations working towards the promotion and protection of human rights in Zimbabwe.

Presidential and Parliamentarian elections will be conducted in Zimbabwe in March 2008, at this point in time it is trite that all political parties have an equal playing field to broadcast their manifestos before their potential voters. The right to free assembly, incorporating processions is the cornerstone of any democratic state. Rallies, gatherings and public meetings are some of the various ways in which the right to freedom of assembly can be exercised. Democratic participation means taking part in the public life of the community or society. It is difficult to participate democratically in instances where individuals are prohibited from meeting and debating burning political issues as a party.

It is virtually impossible for the public to make informed decisions about their candidates if they are not allowed to interact in rallies and gatherings. The period from March 11 2007 to present was marked by blatant violations of rights that are enshrined in the ACHPR by the state through acts or omissions of its agents such as ruling party members, leaders, militia, Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP), intelligence personnel and members of the defence forces. Some of the perpetrators violated human rights during the course and scope of their duties.

At least about 459 cases of human rights violations have been documented between 11 March and 1 May 2007. The victims were members of opposition parties, civic organisations, leaders and individuals that are not aligned to any political party. 11 people were abducted, some mourners were victimised whilst attending a funeral of one of their counterparts, one Gift Tandare, who was shot dead by the police.

 325 people sought medical treatment for organised violence and torture related injuries in 

March 2007.

During this fateful period it is however possible that a large number of other cases of gross human rights violations went unnoticed, as the victims did not approach legal practitioners or medical practitioners for advice or medical attention. The violations of human rights include torture, deprivation of life, arbitrary arrests and detention, deprivation of property, hindrance in enjoying the right to cultural practices, discrimination and denial of a fair trial. Some of the torture victims had their plight aired on independent televisions and newspapers including the state run Herald.

 

Other violations include the non observance of pre- and post trial rights.

As a result, many people were arrested and denied access to their legal practitioners, food, medical treatment. At least 8 people were denied medical treatment and investigations despite court orders, and were forcibly removed from the hospital by the police during treatment that had been sanctioned by the court. Some individuals were arbitrarily detained and tortured by ZRP only to be released without any charges having been preferred against them. Property was also destroyed and expounded by the state under the pretext of searching for dangerous equipment or petrol bombs.

Be that as it may, in any democratic state, there has to be political opposition and a vibrant civil society to ensure accountability of the state officials. Such opposition or civil society comprised of non governmental organisation, churches, and opposition political parties must not be spooked into silence by actions or omissions of state officials.

 

Human rights organisations act as watchdogs to human rights violations in Zimbabwe. Opposition and other stakeholders critical of government promote democracy as their scrutiny ensures that the government is accountable to the populace. Human rights violations such as dignity and security of the person recognised in the ACHPR are under threat in Zimbabwe if the government continues to govern without scrutiny from independent bodies that advance human rights such as the African Commission.

The state proceeded to compile a report they entitled a ‘Trial of violence’ posted on the web for the consumption of the general public. The report highlighted the violence that was purported to have been carried out by the opposition forces in Zimbabwe. Incidents such as petrol bombing of the residence of two female police officers,

 

and assaults of fellow police officers were highlighted. Immediately afterwards a spate of arrests followed on suspected petrol bombers. Some were abducted and severely tortured before they were taken to court despite the presumption of innocence until proved guilty.

This report was tantamount to witch hunting the most vocal organisations that express their dissent to human rights violations in Zimbabwe. It is not surprising that ZLHR involved in advocacy, human rights defending, human rights education amongst some of its projects was mentioned as working with the opposition forces in Zimbabwe without any nexus having been established of how ZLHR contributed to violence. The state has been threatened to close down all non governmental organisations dealing with human rights and require re-registration for continued operation in Zimbabwe.

 

The fact remains that the state is not willing to acknowledge that in this day and age the advent of a de facto one party state is frowned upon throughout the universe.

Violations of substantive rights

Violations of human rights that occurred after the prayer meeting are highlighted below.

Freedom from Torture and the right to health

There has been a disturbing trend within the police force since September 2006. The majority of people detained are subjected to brutal beatings, on command of the arresting officers. Torture in detention for interrogation purposes has been routine and increasing over the past 7 years, but now every incident of mass arrest results in severe beatings with many of the detainees requiring urgent medical attention, including surgery for fractures and admission to hospital for management of complications of their torture. There have also been many instances of the victims being filmed by the police after their assault, and the police denying that the victims have been assaulted, despite visible injuries. The denial of access to medical treatment is also a disturbing trend, as the complications of extensive soft tissue and chest and abdominal trauma can result in death of the victim. Fractured ribs and ruptured abdominal organs have been diagnosed in several victims.

Since March 11, at least 107 cases of torture have been documented.

 

The right to health was also violated in the acts of torture and refusal to access medical practitioner. The injuries sustained by the detainees were extensive and 16 of the victims had potentially life and limb threatening injuries. Delayed treatment for blunt trauma and fractures, particularly of the head, abdomen and chest has significant morbidity and mortality.

Within the group, 6 had head injuries, 7 had one or more fractures, 2 had ruptured internal organs requiring surgery, and 4 required suturing for lacerations. All had extensive deep bruising of their backs, buttocks and limbs, highly indicative of assault with blunt objects such as baton sticks, and whips. 2 suffered ruptured ear drums, and many had suffered falanga (beating of the soles of the feet). 2 people had been beaten across the knee caps, a form of torture not previously observed in police detention, 1 of these victims had a fractured patella as a result of this. 39 other detainees had evidence of moderate beating and assault, with linear bruising consistent with baton sticks and whips. Many of the detainees had evidence of insect bites such as lice, scabies and had upper respiratory tract infections secondary to deprivation of hygiene and blankets whilst in detention.

More than 50% of the victims demonstrated severe psychological impairment secondary to the torture. These individuals were accosted by the police, a few individuals from the defence forces and central intelligence. There is a pattern of abduction and assault. Many of the victims were driven to remote areas and dumped in the bush. At least 7 victims were abducted and assaulted again after seeking medical treatment.

 

Freedom of assembly

It is trite that fundamental rights such as freedom of assembly are recognised in Zimbabwe in accordance to the obligations in the ACHPR and other human rights instruments. This right must not be hindered by any limitations that are not justifiable in a democratic society. Despite the promulgation and maintenance of the draconian Public Order and Security Act (POSA), the state continues to suffocate the little room left for the exercise of the right to assembly.

March 11, represents the epitome of the blatant violation to the right to assemble in Zimbabwe. A few weeks before 11 March, ZRP disregarded a court order in favour of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to conduct a rally. ZRP sealed the venue and violently dispersed the crowd. It is not disputed that there must be a compromise between maintenance of public order by the state and exercise of freedom of assembly. The police as the regulating authority of peace and order in Zimbabwe illegally banned public gatherings and demonstrations in terms of POSA,

 

these prohibition orders are normally for one month but it was extended to three months.

The right to assembly was subject to the deliberations of the African Commission in a communication filed against the government of Nigeria.

 The ACHPR does not permit state parties to derogate from their treaty obligations at all. Even in the case of a civil war, derogation is not permissible. 

Limitation of the rights prescribed in the ACHPR can only be done when the limitation is in the legitimate interest of the state and the evils of the limitation must be proportionate and absolutely necessary for the advantages to be obtained.

Further, the only legitimate reasons for limiting the rights set out in the ACHPR are that rights must be exercised with due regard to the rights of others, collective security, morality and common interest. The prohibition of rallies by ZRP was challenged in the case of MDC v Chief Superintendent Janga and others. The police conceded that the ban was beyond the scope of their authority under POSA and is illegal during the hearing of an appeal MDC v Commissioner of Police and others. This illegal ban of rallies is the root cause of other human rights violations that have occurred since March 11. The extent of the torture was very severe that the victims were admitted in hospital with some under intensive care after lodging a court application for access to medical services having been denied treatment by the police.

Recently the right of assembly of lawyers was violated when a group of lawyers were assaulted whilst attempting to present a petition to the relevant stakeholders such as the Minister of Justice and Police on the continued harassment of lawyers and defiance to court orders. The lawyers were forcefully dispersed who alleged that their gathering was illegal as the ban on rallies also covered the lawyers. The lawyers had notified the police of their march as a formality as they are exempt from this procedure by POSA. The lawyers were assaulted with baton sticks as they dispersed. Four were abducted as it were and driven towards and eastern suburb by police told to lie down and assaulted all over the body in full view of the public.

Freedom of movement

Victims were arbitrarily arrested as they went about their daily business. This violated their right to freely move within the territory. 179 of documented cases involved individuals who were assaulted as they were locking up their business or travelling home after work, or sleeping at their homes. These individuals were subject to torture such as blindfolding, assaults with baton sticks, whips, iron bars, and in 3 instances dogs. The injuries observed included fractures, deep soft tissue bruising, lacerations, ruptured ear drums, falanga and multiple dog bites, including the severing of an ear. They were also threatened with further assault and death if they sought medical assistance, and verbally and psychologically abused. In one instance an individual was assaulted with baton sticks by the ZRP whilst sleeping and relaxing on the veranda of their house.

 

Right to life

There is a confirmed report of an MDC activist who was shot dead by the ZRP as mentioned above. This conduct by the police is a blatant disrespect to life, human beings are inviolable, with a right to respect of life that must not be arbitrarily deprived.

 Zimbabwe has ignored this provision by allowing police to fire live bullets in crowded places. There are 6 other recorded and documented cases of police targeting specific individuals and firing directly at them. One victim sustained two gunshot wounds, on two separate attendances at the dead activist’s funeral. One victim was shot while hiding in the ceiling of his house, and the others were all shot while in group situations, attending meetings and the funeral gathering for the activist.

Right to culture

A large number of the mourners who attended the funeral of Gift Tandare were severely assaulted during the funeral as they sang and paid their last respects in accordance with African custom. As such, it becomes questionable whether the civilians can truly enjoy the right to security of the person when exercising their right to culture with an imminent risk of being thoroughly bashed and tortured by police and other state agents at such occasions. More than 40 cases were documented of individuals assaulted and injured during the funeral. Many sustained severe injuries, including a fractured ankle and multiple soft tissue blunt trauma. Tear gas and water cannons were used for crowd control, and several people complained of skin irritation from the fluid from the water cannons.

At the funeral, 2 people were savaged by dogs, and 1 suffered a miscarriage after blunt trauma to her abdomen. Further, the state through the actions of the intelligence went to the extent of seizing the body from the morgue, secretly whisking it to the rural home for burial. This conduct violates the culture of the Shona people who tend to follow certain procedures during funerals. The police defied a court order to refrain from interfering with the proceedings at the funeral granted by the High Court in Spiwe Mudauki v Minister of Home Affairs and others. Zimbabwe has a duty to promote and protect morals and traditional values recognised by the community including Gift Tandare’s relatives.

Freedom of expression

This right includes the freedom to impart information especially by the media through the activities of journalists. At least three journalists were arrested during the course of their employment. One of the journalists was arrested for asking the wrong questions and was later released after the court dismissed the case before plea. The other two were arrested whist trying to cover the prayer meeting of 11 March, assaulted severely and released without any charges having been preferred against them. Subsequently another journalist was abducted and tortured and sustained extensive soft tissue trauma. One of the journalist arrested was denied access to his lawyers and he filed a court application in the case of Gift Phiri v the Minister of Home Affairs and others for this access.

The right to property

 

The police also seized motor vehicles belonging to civic organisation leaders and opposition party leaders after 11 March. The affected individuals had to approach the court for recourse. One of the applications Morgan Tsvangirai and others v The Minister of Home Affairs and others was complied with and the impounded property was released. In another incident equipment belonging to two freelancing journalists was seized by police. The journalists were on their way to cover a rally to be conducted by the MDC in Highfield. The journalists were arrested and released after three days. The police failed to charge them with any offence. The police seized property belonging to the opposition party after sealing off the premises conducting a search for petrol bombs on 28 March 2007.

 

Some of the property seized did not in any manner resemble petrol bombs or any dangerous weapons but office equipment such as computers and even personal documents such as passports and identity documents of individuals. Computers were returned after an urgent Chamber application was filed with the high court.

Liberty and security of the person

Arbitrary arrests and detention have been the order of the day since 11 March 2007. Some individuals were arrested and later released with no charges having been preferred against them. As such their liberty was greatly curtailed for no apparent reason. The police in such instances did not even proffer reasons for their actions. This threat of liberty and security is still pending as indiscriminate round up of people is still occurring. On 24 April a group of 35 women, 10 children and 27 men were arrested for attempting to present a petition to express their displeasure of constant tariff rises promulgated by Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA) in Kuwadzana where they have not had power for more than a month. Some individuals were also denied access to their lawyers for some time. They were later allowed after severe torture when they could not walk properly. The abduction of lawyers recently also threatens their security and liberty.

Freedom of association

This right is under threat as the state has been threatening to shut down any organisations that are working on human rights. They are perceived as enemies of the state. The government will require re-registration of all organisations. At one time the activities of an NGO that is involved in distributing food aid was suspended. This is despite the fact that the food situation is at its worst in Zimbabwe and most of the population are living beyond the poverty line.

Equality and dignity

Acting under the guise of POSA, the police who are the regulating authorities that facilitate the holding of meetings and public demonstrations have banned meetings and demonstrations selectively. As such this ban is discriminatory as it excludes gatherings or demonstrations by the ruling party. It vitiates the right to equality before the law and does not value human dignity

Fair trial rights

Trial within a reasonable time

Some of the victims were not brought to trial within a reasonable time as stipulated by the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act, a maximum of 48 hours in custody. In the case of Gift Phiri v Detective Assistant Inspector Justin an urgent chamber application had to be filed. Most of the cases were delayed for more than 48 hours.

Right to defence- access to legal practitioner and defiance of court orders

Several court applications have been filed by Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights in collaboration with its members for access to clients in police custody after arbitrary arrests from 11 March. The application were filed on an urgent basis in the case of Morgan Tsvangirai and 13 others v Minister of Home Affairs and others and Gift Phiri v Detective Assistant Inspector Justin. The right to access a lawyer is recognised in the ACHPR, The African Commission has entertained several communications addressing this right in Civil Liberties Organisation and others v Nigeria. In Zimbabwe this right is guaranteed in the Constitution. In the case of S v Paweni and another it was held that the right of one to be represented by a lawyer of their choice must be interpreted in such a way that conforms with the principle that justice should be done.

Recently two prominent human rights lawyers were arrested outside the High Court of Zimbabwe after they had just filed several bail applications on behalf of their clients. Victims were moved to Harare Central Police station without having been informed of the reasons of their arrests. The arresting officer refused to allow access to other lawyers who are members of the Law Society to the arrested lawyers in clear contravention of the supreme law of Zimbabwe; the Constitution that expressly states that everyone shall have a right to be represented by a lawyer of their choice.

One of the lawyers present at the police station was threatened with a thorough bashing if he continued to insist on access to his colleagues. Despite the lack of any charges having been preferred against the lawyers they were refused to have access to food, legal representation and medical treatment. The arrested lawyers were relocated to Stoddart police station and Matapi police station respectively. The denial of access to a lawyer expressly violates the Constitution of Zimbabwe and human rights instruments. The actions of the police blatantly disregard the fact that a reasonable suspicion has to be present before anyone is arrested.

Several applications had to be filed on an urgent basis with the High Court of Zimbabwe for legal practitioners to gain access.

The lawyers continued to be held and denied access to other lawyers and relatives despite the fact that the High Court had ordered access to the same in case of Alec Muchadehama and another v The Minister of Home Affairs and another. This trend has resulted in access to a lawyer being treated as a privilege rather than a right. As a result the lawyers have had to waste a lot of time seeking court orders to access their clients although they have an inherent right to the same. Other cases filed for accessing clients include the case of Morgan Tsvangirai and 13 others v Minister of Home Affairs and others and Gift Phiri v Detective Assistant Inspector Justin.

 

Several applications have been filed on an urgent basis with the High Court of Zimbabwe for lawyer to gain access since 11 March 2007.

Conclusion

There is a need for the Commission to remind the state of Zimbabwe that although it has an obligation to maintain peace and security, the fundamental principles proclaimed in the ACHPR must not only be recognised in so far as the rights, duties and freedoms are concerned but Zimbabwe must have a commitment to respect rights and take measures to give effect to them. Failure to respect the provisions of the ACHPR amounts to violations

.

Some Images of Mugabe Regime Abuse of Innocents.

We'd promised some weeks back to post some photographs of the victims of the sadists who are Mugabe and his henchmen.  Here are some from March 11th and its aftermath:

Grace Kwinjeh, Deputy Secretary for international affairs, MDC, beaten in police custody with iron bars, batons and whips – 11th march 2007.

NAISON MUSHAMBANAKA, SHOT IN ARM BY RIOT POLICE WHILE ATTENDING GIFT TANDARE’S WAKE.  SHOT AGAIN THE NEXT DAY, THIS TIME HIS ARM WAS SHATTERED – MARCH 2007

SEKAI HOLLAND(64), DEPUTY SECRETARY FOR RESEARCH & POLICY, MDC – BEATEN WITH IRON RODS AND BATONS.  SUSTAINED BROKEN ARM AND LEG AND MULTIPLE DEEP TISSUE BRUISING ALL OVER BODY.

DOCTOR LOVEMORE MUDHUKU, CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTIONAL ASSEMBLY – BEATEN WHILE IN CUSTODY, SUSTAINED FRACTURED ARM AND HEAD INJURIES.

(Below) PRESIDENT TSVANGIRAI, MDC – BEATEN WITH IRON BARS OVER THE HEAD WHILST IN POLICE CUSTODY FOLLOWING AN ABORTED PRAYER MEETING, MARCH 2007.  SUSTAINED SEVERE HEAD INJURIES, DEEP TISSUE BRUISING OF BACK, BUTTOCKS, LEGS AND KNEES.

The World Association of Newspapers (WAN) says President Robert Mugabe should curb the arbitrary arrest, detention and torture of journalists working for the independent press in Zimbabwe.

This is a media alert just in from MISA (Media Institute for Southern Africa):

Media Alert

12 June 2007

Mugabe Urged to Curb Media Repression

The World Association of Newspapers (WAN) says President Robert Mugabe should curb the arbitrary arrest, detention and torture of journalists working for the independent press in Zimbabwe.

During its 60th congress in Cape Town, South Africa held from 3 – 6 June 2007, the WAN board also condemned the Media and Information Commission (MIC) led by Dr Tafataona Mahoso for suppressing press freedom through its policies aimed at asphyxiating the "very last private media" in Zimbabwe.

WAN president Gavin O’Reilly urged South African President Thabo Mbeki to use his influence to end the country’s abuses of freedom and civil liberties. "Though conscious that it (Zimbabwe) is a sovereign state, we hope Mr President that you will bring your considerable influence and abiding sense of justice to do all in your power to help rectify the flagrant abuses of freedom that exist in that country," said O’Reilly.

We readily recognise that the Mugabe regime sees fit to discount any legitimate commentary from the international community, but we hope that a fellow African nation like South Africa can actively encourage real progress and bring normalcy and true liberty to that country."

The Wan board said the recurrent violations of journalists basic rights and the complete disregard for the rule of law by the Zimbabwean leadership was totally unacceptable.

Too Much Deference to Mbeki By Other Africans And African Bodies With Regard to Solving the Zimbabwe Crisis

The SADC Parliamentary Forum (SADC PF) released a communiqué based on the deliberations of their 22nd Plenary Assembly held in Windhoek, Namibia last week. Unfortunately, SADC PF was uncharacteristically muted in its comments on Zimbabwe and unnecessarily (and unhelpfully) deferential to Thabo Mbeki and his piloting of the SADC initiative on Zimbabwe.   

Point number 17 of the Communiqué is particularly instructive as to the position SADC PF is seeking to stake out, which, apparently, is one of total deference to President Mbeki with regard to responsibility for resolving the Zimbabwe crisis. 

The SADC PF position is only the latest example of what has become an unhealthy predilection among many African leaders and African institutions to defer to Mbeki on all matters regarding the resolution of the crisis in Zimbabwe.   

This "deference" actually equates to an abdication of responsibility by African treaty bodies with regard to the search for solutions to Zimbabwe's crumbling political and economic systems.  Other than the African Commission on Human and People's Rights (ACHPR), which has been robust in its willingness to confront the Mugabe regime, most other African bodies have chosen to kowtow to both Mbeki and Mugabe.   

The climb-down by SADC PF from its formerly more muscular stance vis à vis Zimbabwe (in 2002, SADC PF was the only African Body that had the courage to declare that the Presidential Election in Zimbabwe was neither free nor fair) also appears to be part of a regional effort to pressure the African Union not to be critical of Mugabe and in fact to shield Zimbabwe from any assessment (by the EU, the US or the UN, or any other body for that matter), on account of the existence of the SADC Initiative, which, in our respectful view, is already falling off the tracks.

The communique is otherwise unremarkable (click on link below to see it):

Download 22nd_plenary_assembly_final_communiqu.pdf

Zimbabwean Bishop of Evangelical Lutheran Church Visits U.S. and Offers an Apologia for Robert Mugabe

An article in today's Syracuse Post Standard about the visit of a Zimbabwean Evangelical Lutheran Bishop to upstate New York to pursue and extend his Church's partnership with the Upstate New York Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of America, was distressing and disturbing for those of us living in Zimbabwe under the daily campaign of repression, violence and intimidation being orchestrated by the regime of Robert Mugabe.

Although we do not pretend to be privy all of what the Zimbabwean Bishop communicated to his American counterpart with regard to the situation in Zimbabwe, if his explanation of the problems here were of the kind that he offered to the credulous reporter, then we fear that the Upstae New York Evangelical Lutheran Bishop and her flock have been deeply deceived and misinformed by the Zimbabwean Bishop with regard to the reality of the misery of life for most Zimbabweans (and of the fact that the principal cause of that misery is the same person for whom the Zimbawean Bishop offers a dishonest apologia).

One need only to observe the torture, violence, and total disregard for the rule of law that have characterized Mugabe's rule during the past 3 months to quickly gain an understanding of the horror that the Zimbabwe people are living.

But repression, violence, intolerance for opposing views and disregard for the rule of law have been trademarks of Mugabe's rule since soon after independence.

To contribute to the education of the Upstate New York Evangelical Lutheran Church of America on the subject of Mugabe's violence, repression and abuse, we sent the Bishop 3 documents that we've posted on in this blog in recent days and weeks:

• A Brief Report on Human RIghts Violations in Zimbabwe since March 11th.
• Their Words Condemn Them: The Language of Violence, Intolerance and Despotism in Zimbabwe
• The Zimbabwean Catholic Bishops' Pastoral Letter from April.

The Zimbabwe Bishop demonstrated in his interview that he is an apologist for this vicious and cruel regime. His unwillingness to describe the reality of Mugabe's culpability in the country's misery is appalling.

After familiarising themselves with the reality of what is occurring in Zimbabwe, the leadership of the Upstate New York Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches of America may want to pose some tough questions to the Zimbabwean Bishop.

There are many courageous Church leaders in Zimbabwe including Catholics, Baptists, Presbyterians and other Lutherans who are standing up to the evil of this regime.

Unfortunately, Bishop Naison Shava does not appear to be one of them.

Read the interview.

African church leader 'outraged' at Zimbabwe rights abuses

While the Zimbabwean Bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church had nothing at all to say about the catastrophic human rights abuses including government-organized abductions, arbitrary arrests and violence and torture that Robert Mugabe has orchestrated during the past 4 months, the leader of the African Council of Churches, Rev. Mvume Dandala, is "outraged".

Read the article on this here.

BBC, CNN, A.P.: Zimbabwe Total Collapse in 6 Months.

C.N.N. and B.B.C. have picked up an A.P. wire story predicting that there will be a total economic (and political) collapse in Zimbabwe within 6 months.

The exchange rate for the U.S. Dollar to Zimbabwe Dollar has risen in one week from 60,000 Zim dollars to 1 U.S. Dollar to 100,000 Zim dollars for one U.S. dollar (today at 4:00 P.M).

At this rate of inflation (prices are increasing as the value of the zim dollar falls--one litre of petrol reached 100,000 Zim dollars today), it would appear the estimations for collapse in the cited report are actually conservative.

"Zimbabwe's New Role Shows Inanity of the U.N."

That is the title of a June 2nd article by Nat Hentoff published in the Chicago Sun-Times (that we had not seen until today...)

FIFA’s decisions matter more to Zimbabwe than anything the IMF or the G8 might do.

That is the observation of several writers (George A. Pieler, a Senior Fellow with the Institute for Policy Innovation, and Jens F. Laurson,  Editor-at-Large of the International Affairs Forum) in an article that appeared in the online magazine, american.com.

Read it here.

"The Genocide Games" (China Olympics AND South Africa World Cup).

That is the title of another Nat Hentoff piece we missed (from May 8th).  He picks up on Mia Farrow's (and her son's) efforts to coerce/shame China into doing something about the genocide in Darfur.

We are trying to shame South Africa (and China) to do something about the invisible genocide in Zimbabwe as well.

Read Nat Hentoff's piece.

ZIMBABWE: HIV, Decadence and Genocide

Yesterday morning Simon and his wife and little girl Tandi (not their real names) went to Parirenyatwa Hospital and the OIU Clinic.  Simon is an MDC activist and survived by looking after cars outside Harvest House (until the raid) and picking up odd jobs.  He is one of the few responsible citizens who, together with his wife and Tandi, went to the New Start Center to find out their status. They all tested HIV positive. Their other three children are negative. Tandi's CD 4 count was 134.  ARV treatment is normally commenced when the clients CD 4 count is 200.  She is a very sick little girl, with severe ear infections, sores all over her little body and TB.  8 days in hospital cost Z$6 million.  Their CD 4 counts cost a total of 2.5 million. Their anti-biotics cost a further 2 million. Their transport to and from Chitingwiza yesterday cost them 240,000.00.  And he is one of the 80% of Zimbabweans unemployed.

What would be the fate of this family had they not been assisted by a project?  They would probably all be dead by the year end, leaving three more orphans to add to the already estimated 1,5 million in Zimbabwe.

The promise of the Zanu PF government at Independance was free basic primary health care for all those unemployed/minimum wage earners and free primary school education. 

The looting and gross mismanagement (and now inevitable collapse) of the economy, by Zanu PF, has already and will still further be the cause of hundreds of thousands of deaths in Zimbabwe.  The total collapse of the Health delivery system has exacerbated the situation. If there is no money available for Health delivery, Docters and Nurses salaries, food for the patients, then how do the ZanuPF thieves afford brand new luxury Mercedes vehicles, huge mansions and decadent life styles.  This is a Genocide.

Economic Implosion Picks up Speed in Zimbabwe: "Mugabe Committing 'Regime Change' On Himself" Says U.S. Envoy.

The I.M.F. says that there are a few historical examples of governments surviving 3 or 4 digit inflation for a period of several years.

But, it says, there are no examples of a regime surviving more than a few months when inflation rates reach the 5 or 6 digit levels. 

Andrew Meldrum, reporting from Johannesburg, states, correctly, that inflation rates in Zimbabwe have now topped 10,000 percent on an annualized basis.

During the month of June, prices have been doubling on a bi-weekly basis (50% increases per week) and the trend is accelerating.

I went to my local SPAR supermarket yesterday to pick up a bottle of wine and found that all South African wines, as well as many other imported products, had been removed from the shelves.

I setteld for a slightly vinegary bottle of the local "Mukuyu" brand.

Prices are increasing so rapidly that merchants cannot apply new stickers fast enough and prefer to stop selling higher cost imported goods than take the risk of losing money.

Based on extant economic and historical examples, therefore, he is not guilty of hyperbole, when American Ambassador in Harare, Christopher Dell predicts that the end is nigh for the grotesque regime of Robert Mugabe:

In a telephone interview with the Guardian, Christopher Dell said prices were going up twice a day, sapping popular confidence in a government which is now "committing regime change on itself".

"I believe inflation will hit 1.5m% by the end of 2007, if not before," Mr Dell said. "I know that sounds stratospheric but, looking at the way things are going, I believe it is a modest forecast."

Meldrum's Guardian story is here.

Zimbabwean Publisher Trevor Ncube Awarded.

Norman Geras has the story.

Zimbabwe residents rely on citizens living abroad to send them money for basic necessities. Web-based services have revolutionized the process.

An interesting article in the Miami Herald describes how remittances have become the lifeline for most average Zimbabweans.

With an estimated 3 to 4 million ZImbabweans having fled the country to South Africa, the U.K. and elsewhere, those they left back home are living on the transfers and non-pucuniary assistance they send back.

The Sunday Times had an article on the same subject last month.

Zimbabwe: Human Rights in Crisis (A Shadow report to the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights.)

The report was prepared by 5 international human rights organizations (Human Rights Watch, the International Bar Association, REDRESS, Amnesty International and Article 19) and presented to the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights last month in Accra.

The five broad areas addresed in the shadow report, and prepared by the 5 organizations, above, respectively, are:

• Human rights violations under the land reform programme and Operation Murambatsvina;
• Attacks on the rule of law;
• Torture and ill-treatment;
• Violations of the rights to freedom of association and assembly;
• Violations of the right to freedom of expression.

Zimbabwe general linked to coup 'murdered'

From today's Independent (U.K.).

"Paying for the man they hate."

Martin Fletcher, yesterday, in the Times of London, with his take on how remittances (on the subject of which we've had several recent posts of articles from others) are propping up Mugabe.

This is true in a technical sense and the same can be said and has been said of the $100 million, for instance, that the United States Government provided this year to hungry Zimbabweans in the form of food aid, or of the roughly $20 million that the same government provides for the purchase of anti-retroviral drugs and other resources to fight AIDS.

The overseas family members remitting money at the end of each month to their loved ones trapped in Mugabe's hell, and the governments providing food and health assistance (including those described by Mugabe as the source of ZImbabwe's problems: Britain and the U.S.) realize that there is a humanitarian imperative to assist the potential future victims of Mugabe's vast human cull--even if it has the collateral and perverse impact of shielding his regime from the opprobrium (and action) that would likely result if conditions were allowed to degenerate even more (absent this life-saving assistance).

MDC's Response (from Sevretary General Tendai Biti) to Mugabe's Latest Desperate Gambit to Retain Power: The "Indigenisation" Bill.

Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Bill: Another platform to loot and plunder

On Friday, 22 June 2007, the government of  Zimbabwe gazetted the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Bill. In broad and general terms, the objective of the Bill is to ensure that 51 percent of the shares of any public company and any other business is owned by indigenous Zimbabweans.
In addition, the Bill prescribes that no projected or proposed investment in a prescribed sector of the economy should be approved unless indigenous Zimbabweans hold a controlling stake in the investment. Over and above this, all government departments, statutory bodies and local authorities and companies should procure 50 percent of their goods and services from a company with a controlling interest held by indigenous Zimbabweans.

Quite clearly, the Bill has far reaching consequences with regards to the issue of ownership and investment by companies in Zimbabwe. In dominated social formations such as
Zimbabwe, underdevelopment and uneven and unequal distribution of property characterizes the structural economic base of the country. Decades of colonialism have resulted in a skewed economy owned and controlled by a minority few whose mandate and interest was to serve the colonial metropole under circumstances wherein the majority black population was not a beneficiary of the national cake.

The colonial State was thus a gate-keeping State, with its most intrusive and ambitious distortions based on narrow export-orientation and raw material production in which the African and African labour were mere objects of the reproduction of this client State.

Independence, therefore, if it was to be meaningful, should have gone beyond the mere changing of the guards. It must involve the structural reconstruction of the State and the economy. Without this, independence becomes a meaningless charade that generates its own vicious contradictions, to the extent that in the overwhelming majority of cases, there has been no reconstruction and redefinition of the post-colonial State and post-colonial economy.

The colonial gate-keeping State has been reproduced under post-independent labels, but the old contradictions of deprivation and pursuance of narrow interests have been perpetuated.
The post-colonial State thus remains anti-majority and anti-development, but one, which without the military and economic might of the former colonial master, has to reproduce itself through patronage, coercion, repression, clientelism and rent-seeking activities.

The question that begs an answer is: Does the Indigenous and Economic Empowerment Bill represent a genuine attempt to restructure and reconstruct the State and the economy in order to transform
Zimbabwe from the caretaker State it has been to a people-oriented economy? The answer, sadly, is No.
Between 2000 and 2004, the government of Zimbabwe embarked on a land reform programme that resulted in the compulsory acquisition of 11 million hectares of land. That the land reform programme was an essential ingredient in the process of reconstructing the State and the economy is not in dispute. However, four years after the implementation of the programme, it is not in dispute the despite negligible pockets of success, the programme has been a cataclysmic exposure of Zanu PF's greed and asset stripping. The programme has been a disastrous expression of greed, aggrandizement, wastage and unbridled avarice, what Ibbo Mandaza described as "voracious primitive accumulation" in his foreword to Edgar Tekere's book, A Lifetime of Struggle.

The net result has been a total decapitation of agricultural capacity by more than 73 percent of the 2000 output. In the 2006 agricultural season, Zimbabwe could hardly produce 600 tonnes of maize and finds itself in the embarrassing position of having to import food from countries such as  Zambia, who not more than five years ago, were entirely dependent on Zimbabwe 's agriculture.

A cursory and casual drive through Zimbabwe 's greenbelt (Banket, Chinhoyi,  Alaska, Lions Den, Karoi) will expose the catastrophic consequences of Zanu PF's greed expounded in the name of the land reform.

For us in the MDC, the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Bill has nothing to do with the genuine economic empowerment of the indigenous population, a population which has done well on its own in asserting itself in the commanding heights of the economy. The financial services and retail sectors are both dominated by indigenous capital.

The Bill therefore is a mere avenue of further patronage and rent-seeking activities by the big guns in Zanu PF. It will allow Zanu PF and its acolytes access into the remaining sectors of the economy, in particular mining, which, because of high initial investment capital, it has hitherto been unable to access.

Indeed, empowerment will take place but of the very same looters that have brought the country's economy to its knees and that for the past seven years have been eating not just the fruits of independence, but the stem of independence as well.

The Bill will not empower the millions of Zimbabwean workers and poor people who are surviving on less that US$ 1 per day and are dying in their thousands every week. It will not empower the average Zimbabwean in Dotito, Highfield, Msampakaruma, Nkayi or Makokoba.

Over and above this, the legal construction of this Bill is suspect. The compulsory acquisition of 51 percent equity of companies clearly brings the Bill into conflict with property rights as enshrined in section 16 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe.

In addition it is in flagrant breach of Article 17 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Another problematic issue is the fact that all decision pertaining to the approval of any transaction and any change of ownership in respect of the Bill are solely to be handled by the Minister responsible for administering the Act. Put simply, to the extent that the execution of the provisions of the Bill is solely resident in the Minister, the legal construction of the Bill remains suspect because subjective application is inevitable. One wonders why, as in other jurisdictions, those functions are not given to an Independent Empowerment Commission.

The bottom line is that Zanu PF has failed and has absolutely no answer or solution to the current structural crisis arresting the country. Instead of concentrating on resuscitating the collapsed supply side of the economy, Zanu PF is disingenuously seeking to destroy those remaining pockets of this challenged economy.

They will not fool anyone and history will judge them harshly.

Hon Tendai Biti, MP
MDC Secretary-General

Zimbabwe Seeks ‘Indigenous’ Control of Companies

The New York Times has a story on the "Indigenization Bill."